Diplomacy

  • Even discussions are a tricky act in Europe right now

    Russian diplomacy is so far not understood in all parts of the world, but it’s getting there for some countries. They get that it takes time. They see that Russian diplomats have much more in mind that can fit into one meeting alone. They also know that what’s spoken is not all that can be said by any stretch.

    It’s believed that Russia is gearing up for a powerhouse set of diplomacy that will enable its ‘rights’ in new ways, but only as it sees fit and thinks it should be done. A source has commented that one aide to a Russian diplomat has said, “It’s too much – for now”. This means the war has complicated matters back home for some Generals, and it looks to be going no further.

    Putin himself has always thought Russia to be a big state, and in conversation with his negotiators – of which there are many teams – he’s been pessimistic, but also cautious, saying, “But I’ll see…”, in response to an air of negativity. He doesn’t want to think it’s not possible.

    This also implies Putin still thinks of himself as the “Big Communicator”, as one diplomat put it to me in a brief conversation before he caught a train from London. The nickname is indicative of a personal and professional tendency to want to be at the centre of the discussion, and to hinge it all on himself.

    Meanwhile, President Zelenskyy of Ukraine is a pragmatist, but says he’s a realist, as if to correct ever so slightly a misapprehension of himself. Upon meeting him he came across as sharp, but not difficult. He doesn’t try to be a Politician, unless you want him to be (which usually comes with a broad enough question).

    He has a humanistic view of life, and that means he sees people breathing, not living. He said of heaven that it’s his chance to “meet the more mature”, meaning he knows he’s young in the faith that saves Ukraine from a bitter Russian oppression. His original intention for a potential war was to name it “Humanity In Ukraine”, but decided against it because he knows how brutal Russia can be. It’s his comedic side coming out, for sure.

    His dichotomy of Ukraine and Russia is unflattering for the former and nostalgic in the latter. He says “Putin inhabits the undergrowth”, meaning that dirty tricks and underhanded tactics are more his style, than a professionalism gained in previously working in Intelligence circles. Ukraine, by contrast, is a picture of familial unity, saying of children, “They just love each other, like bears.” It may also suggest a roguishness that binds them stronger together for a battle than hatred of the other.

    It isn’t ideal for negotiations, then, as the two are pitted against each together as equally strong personalities in an almighty tug of war, either having opposing teams that will stop at nothing to appear the best. It’s a stage set for a settlement between an authoritarian regime and a democratic earnestness. It’s not an easy one to call.

  • Putin wants all out-war, but Ukraine can save the day

    As Putin launched his invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, it was thought that it would result in the annexation of some territories to the State of Russia as a way of placating the admittedly more powerful adversary. It would result only in pro-Russian areas ceding ‘back’ to a Moscow-based rule as a sort of homage, while Ukraine regained itself as a much smaller player on the world stage, also minus some regions it could have held onto.

    It’s thought that this is how Putin sees things, and possibly many others across the world. His perspective is that Russian ‘might’ eclipses the West, and that a return of people’s as it were would show it. It would prove in one go that Russia is better than Ukraine – and that Europe better take notice of it.

    President Putin speaks about the start of his country’s war against Ukraine, stating it’s a matter of life and death.

    The trouble is that Russia has stages to its progress, as it has shown in other ways. While many have dreamed of global domination, its place is to worship the position that one can hold in this way. It’s not necessary to subjugate the world. The only important duty is to hold it in possession as a form of influence, or in a de facto treaty with it.

    The end of the Ukraine conflict in such a way is not a settlement of the matter at all. An increase of power for Moscow – as it would be – could only result in a further bitter confrontation with Europe, and then still further measures. It’s the only reality. Russia seeks now to build itself up into a force much similar to America or indeed China, to rule over Europe as a parent.

    It’s an early start of a renewed push by Moscow elites to gain a better advantage over Europe, to see what it can do and to flex its muscles in more modern ways. The challenge is formiddable, but Europe can overcome it – if it takes it seriously, that is. The chances of that are not good, considering the divided nature of even NATO-style diplomacy, but if Ukraine keeps it under control, the future may be different.

  • Putin believes in firmness, but Ukraine wavers

    The problem with diplomacy now is that Ukraine and Russia are sworn to disagree at all levels and on all points. These are even distinctive in the ways their respective leaders spar off with each other in less staged environs.

    The belief of most of the Russian leadership is that their President is a firm and stoical guardian of their peace and security, and any agreement has to fall in line with this almost sacred duty.

    The limitation in Ukraine by comparison is that such a bombastic military establishment doesn’t concede so easily, and its public representatives struggle to accept any moves toward peace.

    This may be appear to be a contradictory state of affairs, but clever minded students of both have found equally respectable ways to the top, and there is a semblance of balance between them that makes up a peaceful coalition.

    It’s the perspective used to define a settlement that allows two sides to coexist apart from a mutually assured destruction in the short term or over many conflicts. However, this is a theory of the outside and it doesn’t always seem so.

  • Russia’s fortunes lie ahead of itself

    The Russia of today is meaningfully a different place to the one that it was before in the Soviet Union, but it’s still got a long way to go if it’s to understand itself and to change its own ways.

    This is clear in its current trajectory, which is a futile, shameful conflict that doesn’t make sense to international observers and can’t be if it’s the means of a decline of a legitimate European democracy.

    Its ideas need working on, and this notion is coming through in its familiar refrain that still heats up discussions, leading to tensions.

    It believes it can return to old lands. It can resume old ways. It isn’t practical, but it’s a temptation to do more than is required of itself.

    It’s believed that Russia previously toyed with an idea of pushing back with a counter-invasion against Hitler in the Second World War.

    This is not the unfolding of it as it was, but it’s a completely separate idea to the one that’s in our school history textbooks.

    It was apparently based off a concept called “Popular Will”, or a study in the way people welcome particular outcomes if their leaders look familiar, or have ways and modes similar to theirs.

    This isn’t the truth, but it’s thought to be a problem in Russian trains of thought. It comes up – often by surprise – because it’s more of a feeling than a reality.

    The update to Russian thinking is to realise that it has limits to its acceptability elsewhere. It isn’t pride that’s a problem, but a restraint on its endeavour to move outward.

  • What a new Ukraine could look like

    The Ukraine situation is worst above all for Ukrainians. Theirs is the country under attack. Theirs is the precarious position between Russia and the rest of Europe. Theirs is the confrontation between Putin and the freedoms they love.

    The future for Ukraine must be new if it’s to hold, and be better than the position it had before.

    We need to remember that Ukraine is a relatively new democracy that’s fighting for its survival – and for its very life. This needs to be the priority for Ukraine-leaning allies that want a resolution to conflict.

    In this path, it must follow then that Ukraine is wholly Ukrainian and its people must all be so. It cannot be divided otherwise it falls again to the power of President Putin.

    In addition, it must resist calls to bulk up its power by letting NATO members rule its airspace and use its sovereign territory. This is the sort of patchwork diplomacy that in my opinion doesn’t work.

    It’s become clear, finally, that Ukraine needs to be stronger. It has to continue its dominance of the skies to an extent that is acceptable in peacetime. This means surveillance of the Russian state.

    It may be cold out there, but it’s got to be far more dynamic. The two nations are large, much more powerful adversaries than we know and peace has to be firm.

  • The UK is a power in Europe, but an easy picking

    The foes we have aren’t the ones we used to have. If you look back in our past, those powers and problems are now largely gone. The states that exist today are different and they have other aims in mind.

    In truth, we don’t actually have any enemies. The agitation by world powers is for this cause alone, and we need to get used to it. The more fierce threats are from crime, and from networks that exist everywhere.

    In a microcosm, it may be a smaller matter that draws ire. It’s not our existence or our values, but a strategic advantage a leader wants or an annoyance that hasn’t been resolved. It may be small time diplomacy is needed now.

  • Win: Russian diplomat

    An apparent Russian diplomat implicated in a second stage kidnapping attempt to a remote location in England has now been recovered.

    An apparent Russian diplomat waylaid by alleged kidnapping attempts, seen here in Reading, Berkshire.

    It’s unclear which nation is involved in the plot, but it’s believed Spanish authorities have had a hand in her initial disappearance.

    It’s believed some States have been trouncing national borders to deposit highly sensitive persons.

    It’s done to cause diplomatic tensions, and to create havoc in order to study security measures.

    It’s not resulted in any security problems for us at this time, according to MI5 sources.

  • Revealed: US-Spain diplomacy outflows

    It’s alleged that US diplomats are now living in the EU member state of Spain throughout the year, using satellite technology to wire their work out to people.

    It’s also believed they’ve developed a policy called “Open Channel”, whereby everyone’s details are shared without any security protocols for privacy or secrecy.

    This means it can potentially leave exposed any sensitive details for tipoff to criminal entities and States across the world.

    It’s been a concern that volumes of formal communications to the Foreign, Commonwealth, & Development Office have seen a downward trend in recent years, and unofficial work conducted by staffers there has up-ticked.

  • Macron backtracks – for now

    The re-instatement of Sébastien Lecornu to the office of Prime Minister is President Macron’s backtrack for the present moment in French politics.

    He’s in retreat – despite protests as to the cause or value of the returning politician – because he feels the inclement weather in the real world of widespread confusion.

    His electorate sees the disarray and wonders how a further change of leader would alter it. They perceive a lack of direction in particular matters and question the need for a package of reforms.

    In fact, a large measure to restore law and order is more urgent. The world isn’t blind to the chaos along the West coast of France. It’s not voiceless either, and there’s no illegitimacy in bringing it up.

  • Israel is not a new Russia

    Israel is a democracy that exists in a difficult region of the world. It’s a part of the earth that makes its own protests to legitimacy but there are a lot of questions still. The allure of money – and potential outward investment – makes it an attractive if suspect bedfellow. The fact is it cannot be seen in any other context than its own.

    Israel itself is not a pariah state. It has many reasonable enterprises and a lot of respect for its economic and political activity. As usual in our world, its military activities are hotly criticised. It may be because it’s an easy target. The causes and needs of war are not clear as it unfolds and its open to speculation.

    This is a dangerous tendency – if in its own type of political cult already – that threatens to mystify diplomacy and lead to mistakes. Israel isn’t a new Russia. It’s not an enemy. It’s not a plotter. It’s not a subversive threat to our own existence. It’s a friend if only we’d try to be too.

  • America must stop dovetailing

    The America we know of is a sum of its parts. We’re used to this now. It isn’t simply a business meeting for many people, but a high stakes diplomatic meeting. The feeling is that more is asked for than it’s worth. This is the stupidity leaking out of a bankrupt, broken America.

    The reality of its foreign policy spreading out into non-political realms is a fact now. It’s been so for such a long time that a meeting with any representative of an American company feels more consequential than it should. The only super power needs to tighten up.

  • Trump didn’t have to meet Putin

    The Putin-Trump summit isn’t the only way to do it. If the UN hadn’t of berated Israel so much, it might have taken a chance to intervene. It might still have to.

    The problem in international affairs is finding time. There isn’t scope to regret and forget so quickly. The short-term lives on for longer than people think.

    The Israel-Gaza conflict is clearly taking up time – and leading to precious few results. The pressing matter of peace in Europe is taking up American hours.

    It’s the wrong way to do it. The right path is to let peace come by fair means set out for the benefit of the international community. It has to rest on all of us.

  • If China wants a new embassy, who cares?!

    The Chinese state is said to be looking for a site for an embassy in London, to replace a smaller building. It’s not a minor ambition to have here. If it seeks to follow in the footsteps of the US, after its move to Nine Elms, it’ll find itself in a much better position at a difficult time.

    It’s faced criticisms for not funding diplomatic missions fully, stopping short of providing resources to make a proper effort. This may be interpreted by some as laziness, or a lack of interest in the process. Its economic might may give the impression it doesn’t need to try.

    However, an embassy is a chance to impress yourself on an overseas ‘client’ state. It gives place – and purpose – to finding things in common. The exercise is diplomatic as it gives a taste or flavour to an experience of knowing each other, using soft power as the process.

    It’s also an outpost for your statecraft as it relates to other things. It may be promoting culture more broadly, providing services, or maintaining links that are usually difficult to keep going, like with monarchies. These are the things that embassy staff are able to do well.

  • Israel faces a battle in England

    Israel is a nation at tentative peace with itself. In diplomatic terms the incursion into Gaza cost it extensively. The popular opinion weighs heavily on the minds of negotiators. It’s not easy to say yes if persistent crowds shout no. It’s not easy to say no if pressure exerts itself on those selfsame people to say yes.

    It’s the same in the nation state at war. It’s a struggle to win hearts and minds over. It’s even more difficult as resources are focused on an enemy. Israel is as deeply set as Britain during its wars. The stories are similar. The military tactics are seen to be misguided in the short term. The goal of peace is still too far off.

    The historic support is in question too. In England, there is a lot of evidence to suggest people are misguided. The propaganda that festers in private residences and in secret community meetings says things are awry. The misgivings people have are fraught with mistakes. It’s a whitewash of current perceptions.

    The limits of diplomacy are not often seen. It’s not regularly explained in popular formats why it’s beyond our reach at times. The days of saying “Stop The War” have turned to “Stop The Genocide”, and yet neither are realistic. It remains that street politics is an art that has few points. It says very little.