UK Politics

  • Caught: Policy troublemaker

    In a stunning exclusive for Conservative News Site, a suspect alleged of malign interference and malicious acts of sabotage – particularly in FCDO policy-making realms – has now been spotted and can be identified for the first time on a UK-based news website.

    A suspect
    A suspect alleged of meddling in Middle East policy formation and news-making in the UK.

    Heā€™s believed to have significant personal standing in some Middle East contexts, but is largely believed to be an outlaw and living and working at large out of multiple locations in the UK. His presence is nefarious and politically a challenge for UK authorities.

  • Caught: Criminal systems agitators

    In an exclusive for Conservative News Site, a ā€œDuoā€ of criminal activists alleged of seeking to sabotage the UKā€™s membership of the UN with fake political computer models have now been spotted in a central London location.

    A ā€œDuoā€ of suspects
    A ā€œDuoā€ of suspects alleged of infiltration and manipulation of UK-based systems relating to political interchange.

    Theyā€™re accused of deep infiltration of computer labs and IT centres, believing their goal helps criminal entities to prosper other activities such as cash theft and corporate sabotage. A deep-level investigation by UK systems experts has exposed their nefarious intent.

  • Caught: UKā€™s leading fascist

    In a stunning exclusive for Conservative News Site, a suspect alleged to be the most senior fascist in the UK – made up out of leader rankings of groups like Restore Britain, among others – has been spotted in London Victoria.

    A suspect
    A suspect alleged of being the leading fascist in the UK following the demise of Ken Gottā€™s ā€œFascist Estateā€ group.

    Heā€™s believed to have significant control of UK-based fascist circles, making his position significant in extreme politics. He once backed Fascist Estate, an entity alleged to have sought a hostile takeover of the Parliamentary estate and Downing Street, before seeking to nurture his own leadership potential.

  • Dire politics has made a rude return to the scene

    Whatā€™s becoming clear is that basic constitutional politics is not understood in the UK, and itā€™s beginning to affect a lot of common activity. One symptom is the total confusion of events and the scene at the door of Number 10 anytime thereā€™s a problem.

    The many competing figures in Commons politics is becoming Olympian in its size and scope. Even a notorious criminal is attempting a reentry for a regime of sorts of his own. The calamity is a clamour for more than the UK can reasonably aim for or collect in reality.

    The ruin of real politics into word plays and ideas structures is also revealing a tendency to attract trouble. Thereā€™s a personality politics thatā€™s a flaw rather than just a fault in the system. The scourge of wording things out has lost us crucial progress on a national level.

    A return to what the constitution is will save us from madness. We canā€™t live on bread alone. How things are done isnā€™t supposed to read as a weekly guide to re-writing ideology with changes if a lawless freak tells us so. That isnā€™t government. Itā€™s the madness of crowds.

  • The EU dominated through our political parties

    Whatā€™s becoming clear is that things change if we do. Reform UK has broken the mould in Wales and Scotland, and now threatens to do the same in England.

    This marks an exit from another sort of EU – the EU of local dominance and central control.

    The way it worked since the 1970ā€™s is not simply through our compliance. This didnā€™t exist in some places. It worked by EU networkers in our political parties.

    This is what made it so hard. Thatcher in particular felt the immediate pull to Europe as a Conservative, and not as a citizen of the UK or of Europe.

    The Brexit reality is a disconnect from Brussels and a hooking up of the UK to its own sources of power and influence. Whereas they lay dormant before, they now rise to action for us.

  • Westminster Week: On your bike

    Wednesday

    Kemi Badenoch MP (North West Essex/Conservatives) gives a drubbing to the Prime Minister in full view of himself and his front bench. Of course, while it isnā€™t the sort of reception he needed from anywhere in the House at this point, itā€™s the job of the Opposition. They canā€™t change tact even just to make him feel better. Also, to many in there, heā€™s an overconfident man at the best of times. It works.

    *

    Badenoch clearly likes to list the errors of the political class of the day, but her role in it is a record the Prime Minister has gone after before himself. He likes to go on too, staging a Punch & Judy exercise between both thatā€™s worthy of a Parliamentary debate – and fitting for Labourā€™s position right now.

    Thursday

    Sarah Olney MP (Richmond Park/Liberal Democrats) wastes no time. She jumps at the issue of a third Heathrow runway like a red rag to a bull. Throwing figures around, she makes it sound like an awful project. In context, a flight abroad is worth paying for.

  • PM needs to clear out the nasties to make progress

    Itā€™s long been clear that in many roles centrally there are ā€˜nastiesā€™ hiding at desks and in corridors, leaving us bereft of services and a sense of where to go next. Like dirty syringes or used contraception, they make it look decayed.

    Itā€™s called the Civil Service. More often than not itā€™s actually more like a used car forecourt. The staff are woefully inept. They donā€™t work to efficient timelines. The price of it always sounds too steep. The mileage isnā€™t there.

    The PM has a job ahead of him in making it fit for purpose. He needs to get rid of phrase-driven imbeciles. The ones obsessed with the look of a newspaper. He has to root out the sovereign snatchers waiting on public money.

    Itā€™s the cringiest of office complexes. Itā€™s too far gone. Brexit was our vote out of messes created by such inept officials and with systems too large for real, conventional use. We need to get out of such a rut for a clean break at real politics.

  • Locally, politics now needs to work out

    Beyond the fringe noise of constant protest, local politics now needs to come into its own.

    Whatever the level or structure (and at times these need review to improve the process) the public are in need of control over their imminent affairs.

    The outcome of todayā€™s local elections, including Mayoralty positions, is fundamental to realising it.

    The renewed or replacement candidates drive key decision making and determine the look and feel of our local communities.

    The characterful among us can bring out more understanding to enrich a dimension thatā€™s ethical in local politics.

    Such is the cry because people feel misunderstood, and thus underrepresented.

    Otherwise, everyone who succeeds is looked to for the investment of time in the detail of any changes and the effort to renew all of the obligations that make it work.

    The decline of parts of the UK can be put into reverse by such attention given to it.

  • Tories face challenge at the locals tomorrow

    The local elections tomorrow are a huge challenge for the Conservatives as they hope to steer clear of a total washout in support.

    They donā€™t want to end up at the mercy of Farage if he gets a landslide for his slate of candidates, sees an opportunity for increasing a Westminster seat share, and hammers them later.

    They donā€™t have a strong local support base at present, either, unlike Labour or Reform UK. Both have made efforts to keep a close appeal to issues that matter in Council areas across the UK.

    Itā€™s hard not to notice that anything touching on community concerns is right at the top of many peopleā€™s priority list.

    Also, they only have a national appeal due to time theyā€™ve spent in the Commons keeping the Opposition argument alive.

    They struggle to stay afloat in a rowdy Parliament. Albeit Prime Ministerā€™s Questions has gone well on balance, Labour are having a much easier time of it.

  • The Green Party is a mystery candidate in itself

    The UKā€™s own environmental scene hasnā€™t come about with as obvious a drive as it does in the media at the moment. For many of us, it was more likely something that weā€™ve seen in the past times or habits of those around us rather than as a serious political cause.

    Indeed, the green movement has struggled to make any impact in the UK for as many decades as itā€™s been active. In part this is due to radical elements that have been less concerned about human welfare than about getting their point across in idiosyncratic ways.

    A combination of a feelgood moment and popular mantras had drawn in too many disaffected political ideologues. It was found that they were not compatible with the feelings and principles of those that wrote up doctrines that in time have become the main ideas.

    The strongholds of concern about the environment and the impact of human activity are a far cry from the festivals and parades of well-meaning activist days out. These places are usually meeting orientated and focused on subversive active defiance against particular insults to how they see the world.

    A healthy boost

    Even if popular outcries have appeared to be impassioned, they still fall far short of how these people operate. Itā€™s not a case of a flippant exercise in sacrifice, but a long, drawn out battle that takes guts and stamina. In other words, if they really want to take the fight to Parliament, theyā€™ll do it with more sincerity than weā€™re used to.

    The surge in popular activity for the Green Party is a waking moment for some elements of this. While itā€™s looked at with suspicion still in the majority of communities, itā€™s got a niche in local democracy. It can win and candidates have shown an ability to represent effectively. But itā€™s not managed to fold out into a mainstream party.

    Zack Polanski, its new leader, is a figure who has promised to take it into the core of Parliament to make its politics a deciding factor in how laws are made. He believes that the Green Party has more at heart than itā€™s given credit for. He sees an opportunity for long-held beliefs in his movement to bring justice to bear on UK policy.

    While some of his points have fallen flat, such as legalising harmful substances, he has a point about restoring a holistic agenda in the policy-making forums that influence our judgements as a nation. His concern about peopleā€™s welfare is important if our law is going to be fair and balanced.

    The natural format of concern about the planet is that itā€™s spread out and then it comes together only a particular moments. If Polanski can bring an agenda that structures peopleā€™s thoughts and feelings, he may be able to harness some of this activity for good. It may even lead to changes of law, something long overdue for activists.

  • A coalition is whistling on the wind

    Itā€™s been hinted a coalition may be on the cards if a general election were held soon. It could be a Conservative-Liberal Democrat repeat by one estimation, or a Conservative-Reform tie up in others.

    The former isnā€™t favourable to the ambitious Tory ranks, where fervour is high for a renewed policy push. The Reformers may not be a good option either, knowing what comes in toe.

    Unlikely as it may sound to these theorists, Starmer isnā€™t done yet – and Badenoch isnā€™t giving up. She hasnā€™t lost her nerve for a plan to keep it together, stay moving, and campaign for it outright.

  • For Starmer, itā€™s a problem all too familiar

    Itā€™s not often brought up that Civil Servants also have their own beliefs, views, and opinions because the Service is supposed to be free of such prejudicial party politics. Itā€™s not however considered that some people become more familiar than others, and it may have been this that prejudiced a decision to clear Peter Mandelson when he shouldnā€™t have been given it.

    Itā€™s not so much an issue of the party, but it can be a result of the partyā€™s interaction in Whitehall, for instance, and in wider government. The name recognition of some people has helped them in their careers immensely, and itā€™s no different for Peers and those that appear in the news media often.

    This in itself is a currency of acceptance that may have persuaded some to overlook concerns that were flagged but may have seemed out of character for Mandelson. If he did need more rigour in the vetting there is a question over why it hadnā€™t been raised before, or volunteered as information by someone in the Intelligence services.

    The Labour party is run by its ability to get things done with the people itā€™s got and the absence of Mandelson may have looked like too large a gap to leave. In the political calculations of those nearer to the action, perhaps such a denial would be too late in his career, not serve the interests of the country, and deny a stronger candidate a place in an admittedly fraught period of time.

  • Labour may not boot Starmer, but theyā€™re mad furious

    The Labour party likes a strong leadership, one that holds together in the most trying times. The fact its blown apart in the Foreign Office and in Number 10 has left many fuming. The bad press is even worse for its voters, coming in just before the local elections and showing the worst side of the party possible.

    Labour may not boot Starmer, but heā€™s got to avoid another scandal like this one. Itā€™s not a strong pitch for remaining in office, even for the bigwigs in the party that look at who should be leader next. Their opinion is that big decisions on appointments need to be done well, albeit they differ on which ones.

  • Few friends, few answers, and a long week ahead

    The Prime Minister is now no doubt gearing up for a difficult week. If a weekend allows some respite, itā€™s forty-eight hours and no more. Come Monday, some pundits may even be expecting a resignation speech. This is constitutional politics at its heart, too, because in this State it matters whoā€™s who – and who isnā€™t.

    The resignation or dumping of some key figures doesnā€™t go unnoticed and promised scrutiny on Tuesday may go down badly, as much as it has done so far, but for so many more reasons. The impressions MPā€™s then have may determine a more shuddering outcome than before.

    The problem gotten rid of isnā€™t the rot gone away. It may be more are to blame for this scandal than meets the eye, too many for the casual spectator to observe. Itā€™s possible that other Labour figures have more knowledge on this, having done some digging by themselves. That may result in a few more nasty articles in the press, and embarrassment follows.

  • Mandelson has proved snap decisions donā€™t work

    The end of Peter Mandelsonā€™s appointment in America was a sage lesson for those that wonder at the right way to make decisions at Cabinet level. Itā€™s a rare insight, as well, considering this stage of proceedings is usually the hidden part, and the exit is more the scene that counts.

    It did, but now his entry into the competitive field of Ambassadorships is being scrutinised to yet further degrees of detail. Itā€™s not really about Jeffrey Epstein, because the Labour party shows its true colours again. Here we find quick, snappy decision making taking over a powerful office in the land.

    The Guardianā€™s revelation that Mandelson failed his vetting is now at the centre of the tale, finding its way into the story as a stage in the process that to some always makes the final call. For expediency, for new bridge building, or for extra peace of mind, this promotion is now seen as a disaster.

    It happened under Tony Blair, and while it feels more prolific in his era, an exception to Starmerā€™s golden rule of slow and steady has really blown up in his tenure. Itā€™s a disaster of streamlined party politics, which is the hopes and dreams of the politically illiterate. They donā€™t get it, but it looks good.

    *A change was made to update a reference.