United Kingdom

  • The way we do things

    The UK isn’t a warm family but it has its ways of organising things around standard forms and practices. The key example is the Royal Family so-called, called so by its members.

    It’s a monarchy proper but it’s more familiar with the public than others may be. They visit, they coordinate, and they deliberate with public figures and our heads of state.

    There are other figures and representatives including MP’s who give us shape, and direct us in our national way of life. These are people we elect to make laws for us.

    In a way we’re the sum of our parts too, but it takes a long time to get anywhere. It’s because we disagree. We have disputes with each other but it’s the way of our democracy.

  • Scotland’s dilemma

    Scotland has a problem. Its ambitions are taking a backseat while political shifts happen elsewhere. The UK is largely left untouched by Scottish politics. The situation is different elsewhere. If a political choice is set to the Scottish people it usually trends in Scotland only. The rest of the union is assumed to be disinterested.

    It’s a roadblock to making a case for a truly independent Scotland. This is because a separation needs to happen between parts and not in isolation. A fight for sovereignty is a different matter. These don’t happen in isolation either but it’s a different set of circumstances. There are differences to the outcomes of either.

    Leaders of Scotland since 1999

    As it happens Scotland has been a devolved region since a referendum in 1997 in which just shy of 75% consented to it. The total number in favour came to over 1.7 million, against just over 600,000 who said no to it. In 2014 a similar but far more wide-ranging referendum was held begging the question of actual independence, but over 2 million voted against such a proposal compared to over 1.6 million in favour.

    The difficulties in going forward are evident. The strength of feeling against further separate of state and powers is evident by the last result in 2014. The feelings against such a move surged from below 1 million people to just over 2 million people. In contrast, feelings in favour reduced by over a hundred thousand votes. It isn’t a significant drop in support, but the gap is reversed and it’s those in support who are on the back foot now.

  • A flyover isn’t what Parliament is for

    The centre of gravity of English politics, Westminster in London, that is, shapes itself as a welcoming and transparent place.

    It looks endearing, almost teddy bear-like, and stands erect if lonely in a sea of other buildings and meanings.

    It’s a friend of the city, but pretty well damn friendless, as well. This isn’t a situation that can last, surely?

    It’s meant in a way that marks out some significant differences between “now, and then” so to speak, which is a dangerous game in a place that marks itself out now as being so much more than what it was – in its heyday.

    It’s the same with many of the buildings and monuments that make up a nation’s “public library”, in that it has something very specific to say, but not a lot hear it.

    If you take for example the recent Gaza protests that beset that part of the city, it becomes clear.

    It’s a ‘thing’ nowadays to see ‘taking your cause’ or representation as being a constant, gradual process that doesn’t involve the usual democratic process, but one of your own making (and that is own).

    It’s not a point for MP’s to make for us – salaried as they are – but rather it’s seen as a cause to get on with by ourselves, or by themselves, as the case may be.

    This isn’t an acceptable or safe way of doing things in a business-like state, especially when those active in protests are unvetted, and therefore present a risk (as they have done) because of their slogans, but also because of their often antisemitic beliefs.

    The Palace of Westminster therefore has a difficult place in our modern history, as it stacks up its rebukes from the people sky-high and struggles to overcome its difficulties and differences with all hues of people. It seems as if it can’t win, whatever it does.

    How does such a venerated institution reach a state like this? What is its answer to its own problem of not only aiding it, but abetting such activity, as well?